Politically Misunderstood: Tracing a Tradition of Liberal Southern Politics

For Democrats the South is seen as a non-starter. It’s viewed as hostile territory, with an electorate of older, white, conservatives who will never give them a fair shake. They see a region that largely backed President Donald Trump three times in a row, and where gerrymandered maps prevent even miniscule liberal representation. As a result, the South is deemed the American bastion of conservatism, leading Democrats to abandon the region and return their focus to the traditional, Midwestern battlegrounds. 

However, as the Rust Belt has grown more conservative, this strategy may warrant reconsideration. Iowa and Ohio, once the national bellwethers, have only one statewide elected Democrat between them. Neither has voted for a Democratic president since 2012. Michigan, Wisconsin, and Pennsylvania all returned to Trump’s column in 2024, and Republicans won control of their respective down-ballot races. If the Midwest continues its conservative trend, Democrats could become a permanent electoral minority. That is, unless they direct their attention down South. If the 2028 Democratic nominee wins Texas, Georgia, and North Carolina, the Midwest becomes obsolete. If Texas and North Carolina send a Democrat to the U.S. Senate next year, there could well be a liberal federal trifecta elected come 2028. These gains are possible, as the South is not truly a conservative bastion; rather, it is America’s most misunderstood region.  

For most, the Southern political archetype is not a progressive calling for wealth redistribution. But Governor Huey Long (D-LA), the caricature of Southern power brokers, was just that: a left-wing populist who can be credited with many of Louisiana’s progressive reforms. Long achieved his anti-poverty campaign promises, including securing free textbooks for school-age children, expanding adult education, and modernizing infrastructure. He maintained independence from Louisiana’s elite, which in turn gave him credibility, as no one could claim he was in their pocket. Long’s effectiveness directed him to the political ladder’s next rung: Louisiana’s U.S. Senate seat.

Once in Washington, Long took on a broader economic focus, hoping to reshape American fiscal policy to serve working class interests. He compared the American economy to a barbecue, where “one man takes off the table what's intended for 9/10th of the people to eat,” and that the only way to correct course and “feed the balance of the people” is to “make that man come back and bring back some of that grub that he ain't got no business with!” Long introduced the “Share Our Wealth” legislation, composed largely of a series of wealth taxes. It aimed to fund Long’s version of a New Deal, including free college, free healthcare, a four-day workweek, and labor pensions. 

While few went as far to the left as Long, a model emerged for Southern liberals to succeed: campaign on building a government that focuses on serving the underdog and maintaining independence. In 1997, Senator Fritz Hollings (D-SC) built his brand on anti-poverty and called for a draining of Washington’s swamp decades before it became synonymous with Trumpism. In Arkansas, Governor Dale Bumpers (D-AR) defeated both an incumbent and his predecessor on a promise to change the state’s conservative political environment. Bumpers followed through, raising taxes on wealthy Arkansans, and directed the funds to improve public schools, increase teacher salaries, construct new institutions of higher education, and increase funding for community college. Bumper’s progressive taxation, and opposition to segregationists Orval Favus and J. William Fulbright, served as a testament to a New Arkansas, one where resources, not troops, are sent to public schools, where upward mobility was the norm not the dream, where voters not only re-elect Bumpers, but propel David Pryor to Capitol Hill, and Bill Clinton to the White House. 

Modern Southern liberals have continued this trend. In 2017, Senator Doug Jones (D-AL) won an upset victory through a campaign centered on increased wages and local issues. Governor Andy Beshear (D-KY) leaned on his union ties, arguing Kentucky could maintain a competitive edge without sacrificing workers' rights. For Kentuckians, it was clear, Beshear was supporting labor, while state Republicans were on the side of corporations. Senators Jon Ossoff (D-GA) and Raphael Warnock (D-GA) spent the final sprint of their runoff hammering home the message of economic stimulus during the COVID-19 recession. Ossoff and Warnock’s respective opponents, each under investigation for insider trading, provided another key point: a vote for Ossoff and Warnock is a vote for someone who advocates for you, a vote against them is a vote for someone who is in it for themselves. Ossoff’s background in investigative journalism reassured voters he could stand up to the powerful, and Warnock’s opposition to President Joe Biden’s student loan policy helped him with young voters and independents displeased with Biden.

Most critically, building a government in support of the underdog does not require social moderation. In fact, history shows that social progressivism is critical to success. President John F. Kennedy swept the Deep South with his New Frontier, which included civil rights and women’s rights, and the endorsement of Martin Luther King Senior. Kennedy spoke so strongly in favor of civil rights that former allies switched their support to then-Vice President Richard Nixon, as he ensured a maintained racial status quo. In 1960, North Carolinians selected Democrat Governor Terry Sanford over multiple segregationists. During his inaugural address, then-Governor Jimmy Carter (D-GA) declared segregation an act from the past. Bumpers repeatedly campaigned against segregationists and Hollings won his Senate seat after he helped integrate South Carolina. Ossoff routinely emphasized his time working for the Civil Rights giant John Lewis, and Warnock’s post as the chief pastor of Ebenezer Baptist was critical to both turning out Black voters and persuading moderate, religious white voters. Beshear’s 2023 re-election campaign was centered on abortion rights, and highlighted his commitment to voting rights. 

The stereotype of a uniformly conservative South overshadows its vibrant progressive tradition and ignores its potential to serve as a base for American liberalism. If Democrats put forward candidates with the ability to blend economic populism with their party’s traditional social progressivism, they will have a much better chance at winning state and federal political power. If Democrats want to be the defining actors in the next era of American history, the path does not lie in the Midwest, rather, it is down in the Land of Magnolias.