Living in an Ivory Tower: The Rise of Anti-Intellectualism

Behind the snappy catchphrases of political pundits and the dramatic calls to action of conspiracy theorists, there exists a subtle yet growing sentiment of anti-intellectualism that has formed a backdrop to the modern political theater.

This resurgence of intellectual distrust reflects a broader shift in American political culture. At its core, anti-intellectualism reflects a general skepticism or disdain for academia and intellectual thought, often characterized by criticism and hostility toward intellectuals and academic institutions. On both sides of the political spectrum, a rise in animosity toward educational institutions and the higher education landscape has instilled in many an image of a class of intellectual elites controlling society from behind the scenes. From the rejection of scientific findings to populist anti-elitism, the anti-intellectual right and left have become analogous. The combination of the anti-academia sentiment of the far-right with the postmodernist skepticism of the far-left has led the American public down a slippery slope of political radicalization characterized by anti-intellectualism, paralleling the anti-elitism of the Occupy Wall Street movement.

In September 2011, around 1,000 demonstrators descended on Zuccotti Park in downtown Manhattan, setting up an overnight encampment in protest against the perceived tyranny of the “1%.” A culmination of years of growing disillusionment and post-recession resentment, the Zuccotti Park encampment became a catalyst for the Occupy Wall Street movement and a symbol of growing anti-elitism in modern America.

Almost 15 years later, a dangerous new wave of anti-elitism is growing, now in the form of anti-intellectualism. In November 2023, public trust in scientists had dropped from 87% in 2020 to 73%, with the share of U.S. adults expressing a “great deal of confidence” in scientists dropping from 39% to 23% in the same timeframe. In October 2025, trust in journalism and media had dropped to an all-time low of 28%, with Republicans’ confidence in media dropping to 8%.

Historically, notable waves of anti-intellectualism have surfaced throughout the world at various times. The expulsion of the non-Bolshevik intelligentsia following the Russian Revolution ignited a decades-long struggle with the politicization of intellectualism. In the Soviet Union during the ‘30s and ‘40s, the regime targeted academics and intellectual experts as a broad dissenting class of individuals, allowing for the extension of the Great Purge to “idealistic” individuals. Soon after, an ideologically contrasting yet operationally similar campaign rose to power in the U.S.: McCarthyism. The Second Red Scare saw the vilification of intellectuals deemed to be disloyal or indifferent to the nation’s cause. Anti-intellectualism essentially became a political tool for populist movements hoping to capitalize on public distrust and a “them vs. us” mentality.

With American elections, anti-intellectual rhetoric has consistently been a part of political campaigns. In George Wallace’s unsuccessful bid for the presidency as an Independent, his political campaign spent much time pushing an anti-intellectual rhetoric against “pointy-headed intellectuals” who held opposing political beliefs. Theodore Roosevelt’s wildly popular presidency saw him supporting a Progressive Era agenda yet publicly distancing himself from pro-environment experts who were deemed as “effeminate.” In the 1988 election cycle, George H.W. Bush attempted to associate the Democratic nominee, Michael Dukakis, with allegedly anti-religious intellectuals. Thus, the political weaponization of public distrust has become ingrained in American politics as mudslinging smear campaigns have become an accepted norm on both sides of the political aisle.

Today, various factors influence a growing movement toward anti-intellectualism in the American political sphere. Historian and public intellectual Richard Hofstadter argues that the democratization of information elevates self-importance and false epistemic responsibilities, incentivizing skepticism towards differing viewpoints and fueling what Hofstadter characterizes as “obscure and ill-directed grievances.” The politicization of intellectual fields could also have a similar effect as the political pendulum increasingly resembles the horseshoe theory, with competing parties and individuals politicizing otherwise apolitical research. A 2022 study on factors influencing anti-intellectualism in the U.S. presents another potentially overlooked factor: rural identity. The study researched the urban-rural divide, finding that a psychological attachment to rural roots is correlated with higher levels of anti-intellectualism beyond anti-urbanism.

Although regional variation has an impact on anti-intellectualism, the key factor in understanding the rise in anti-intellectualism today stems from attitudes toward higher education and academic institutions. Between 2010 and 2021, American universities experienced a collective decline in enrollment by 15%, though partly due to declining birth rates. Since 2015, the American public’s confidence in higher education has dropped from 57% to 36%, with the “little-to-no” confidence rate increasing from 10% to 32%. Consistent increases in tuition costs and student loan debts have also contributed to a growing resentment and loss of trust toward higher education institutions. Political parties have exploited this growing resentment and jumped at the opportunity for the hyperpoliticization of higher education.

On the right, prominent political pundits denounce universities as institutions solely committed to pushing political agendas, therefore supporting the argument against the necessity of higher education. On the left, politicians and postmodern skeptics have rallied behind the characterization of traditional academia as a product of systemic injustices and privileges, serving as a justification for the reexamination of every previously held belief in academia. From 2015 to 2019, Republicans who held that universities have a negative effect on the country grew from 37% to 59%, with a majority of both Republicans and Democrats agreeing that higher education in the U.S. is going in the wrong direction and that students are not developing the skills necessary to thrive in the workplace. Across political parties and among all major U.S. institutions, ranging from financial institutions to religious organizations, the one institution that has seen major negative shifts most recently is higher education. This general distrust in higher education has contributed to the “spillover effects hypothesis,” in which the public becomes more susceptible to the rejection of scientific consensus and the glorification of political leaders and movements that position themselves as combatants against the intellectual class.

Anti-intellectualism thrives in environments catered toward sensationalism and skepticism. The growing distrust in experts across fields leaves an epistemic gap left to be filled by the loudest voices in the political landscape, further dividing a nation that is en route to rejecting civil discourse and research-driven truth seeking altogether. The politicization of otherwise apolitical ideas has begun to radicalize a generation defined by resentment toward intellectual thought. Starting at the individual level, tolerance of discourse and acceptance of an epistemic obligation beyond pre-existing beliefs can bring society one step closer to bridging social gaps and dismantling the ivory tower image.